The History of the "Self"

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There is an important moment in the lives of young children when they first realize they are somebody. They come to grasp that just as the word "cat" refers to the furry, four-legged pet that purrs, "I" refers to the unique man who has their name and lives in their body. "I am 'me.' I am man too."

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We view this feel as valuable to our psychological and moral development. It prepares us to compose a sense of agency, which in turn is valuable for assuming responsibility. Without believing one is a obvious self, one cannot be truly accountable for what one does. It is important, then, to understand our separateness and to disengage from our need to rely on others, to act on our own behalf. Beyond that, though, modern culture encourages us to hold on, tenaciously, to that infantile sense of our own unique importance. For us, that childhood feel of possessing a "self" has come to be the basis for our reigning notion of what it means to be a human being.

At the simplest level, our notion of the "self" denotes a container that holds everything belonging to us, the organs bounded by our skin, the thoughts inside our minds. From this point of view, we speak of "ourselves," "myself," "himself," and so on. Our selves belong to us - as do their contents. This is why the discovery of the self in young children is of such central importance. They grasp for the first time that they are not the rights of whatever else; they enounce rights over their bodies and their thoughts, their feelings and their intentions. Over time, feel teaches that this rights is partial and provisional. To insist upon one's autonomy and independence can come to be impoverishing. But this is where we start to come to be responsible agents and assemble our cultural identities.

William James took this idea of the self as his point of departure: "In its widest possible sense . . . A man's Self is the sum total of all that he Can call his, not only his body and his psychic powers, but his clothes and his house, his wife and children, his ancestors and friends, his reputation and works, his lands and horses . . . ." This generous and tremendous definition bears the earmarks of James's historical moment, of course: today, in an age where women have at least legal grounds for claiming full social and economic equality, few men would risk referring to their wives as a part of themselves. But all definitions are historically bound, reflecting the fact that our reasoning emerges from a particular social context. This is especially true of the "self."

The notion of the "self" could only begin to emerge in our history when the idea of rights became central to our base feel and the acquisition of possessions come to be an important social focus. The importance of possessions, in turn, depended upon a significantly increased social mobility. Those who did not have wealth and status conferred upon them by birth sought the opportunities to derive them in order to take their place in the world, to come to be somebody. These developments overlapped with what is often referred to as the rise of individualism, the idea that each man in community had inalienable rights as well as independent economic interests. Throughout the eighteenth century, community came to be seen as arising out of a consensual compact of free men, and the growth of the economy, the wealth of nations, was attributed to unfettered competition among free agents. Under these conditions, shorn of former meanings and inherited roles, individuals in our culture began to feel the need to find some basis for their value, some purpose to fulfill. External possessions gradually came to be seen as achievements that mirrored internal characteristics of taste, intelligence, and style.

This helps to by comparison how we came to think of the "self" as unique. Just as children in our culture come to see themselves as possessing themselves, not being possessed by others, and go on to come to be increasingly aware of their separateness, we responded collectively over time to increasing social pressures to make ourselves into sites of extra qualities and attributes, to assume our places among other unique selves. The self entered the social competition to come to be somebody. Or, failing to do so, the self could be reproached for lacking the quality to ensue at that project.

In old ages, most population were members of local communities, following well-established pathways in life as their parents and grandparents had. Or they were members of classes, set apart from other classes if they possessed land or titles, or bound together in guilds, merchant leagues, and orders that enforced standards and conferred meaning. Some were citizens of communities that defined their obligations to one another; some were serfs, some vassals of lords. The course of life was ordered, for the most part, identities imposed, boundaries set. This is not to say that life in those days was derive or stable; wars, migrations, plagues and other disasters continually afflicted human life, forcing painful and dramatic changes. But then conceptual order was reestablished, and life fell back into customary categories. God in heaven, or the mythic presences living beyond the world of appearances, sustained the meaning of things, reaffirming the sense of each person's place in the world.

Modern history is the story of the breakdown of such former orders, among other things, and the introduction of dynamic turn pervading all social relations. Identity, no longer provided by carport social structures, has had to be created. What was once the prerogative and privilege of the few became an imperative for all. Cut loose from the grip of former relations, we all had to come to be somebody.

The more new history of our culture has worked to augment the importance and centrality of the "self" with relentless consistency. Enlightenment religious doctrine took authority away from former and established groups, placing it into the hands of a calculate that was the asset of independent, self-reflective minds. Romanticism enlarged the inner world of sentiment and imagination, dreams and fantasies, and gave birth to the notion of the creative artist as hero. From that perspective, social pressures to conform were seen as obstacles to fulfillment. Entrepreneurs and individualists became the engines of economic improvement and took conspicuous places on society's stage. They seized the political and economic initiatives that became more available to those face the established social order, and they conspicuously supreme their accomplishments. Psychoanalysis excavated and enlarged the interior realm of the self. Consumerism worked to compose insatiable appetites for material possessions. Over the past three hundred years, virtually every valuable social and economic improvement heightened our trust in the importance of the "self" and added to the growing list of the achievements and possessions it has been asked to contain. It has now come to seem that if the "self" is comprised of the qualities and attributes it possesses, at its core must be something that possesses the self itself, an former source, an essence. The self has come to seem something like the secular version of the soul, a high-priced and unique primal gift.

Our culture supports this trust in individuals who can compose this gift of selfhood and levy their destinies. We give Oscars, Nobel Prizes, "genius awards", honorary degrees, marvelous medals and trophies to those we particular out for their exceptional achievement. At the same time, we know, as the recipients themselves often know, that it is a distortion to detach them from the social efforts that made their accomplishments possible.

In fact, our culture today appears to have reached a kind of urgency as the container of the "self" spills over its extensive boundaries or even breaks up under the stress of its own demands. The burgeoning psychotherapy manufactures caters to clients who feel themselves to be fragmented or depleted, inadequate or self-deprecating. Narcissism presents selves with inflated self-esteem, while, on the other hand, depression arises in selves that are neglected or insufficiently appreciated. The middle ground is not only difficult to compose but difficult to locate. What is important about us? What are inexpensive expectations and general desires? Self-esteem seems to be required, but can narcissism also be valuable to our well-being? The importance of the self is widely acknowledged, its defects and ills often discussed, but today it cannot be defined with much specificity, nor can we enounce with any trust a healing process or an ideal state to strive for. In a culture grounded in competition and boundless ambition, there can be limited lasting business transaction on such questions.

Out community is organized colse to output and consumption, efficiency and growth. population struggle to pay sufficient attentiveness to whatever else. Moreover, because of our society's overwhelming emphasis on ownership, on goods, and the competing accumulation of possessions, issues regarding the environment, social welfare, education, and condition are neglected. The notion of "self" implies limited about ourselves as beings that, among other things, long to love others, not just be loved, that hope to get something out of admiring others, not just the hope of being admired in turn, that strive as agents to achieve more than the piling on of skills and attributes. It encourages us to come to be fixated on an early stage of infantile development.

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